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Honesty around the world

In my last post I looked at dishonesty in the banking industry. Sticking with a similar theme, this time I will at dishonesty across different countries.        Let us start with a study by David Pascual-Ezama and a long list of co-authors on 'Context dependent cheating: Experimental evidence from 16 countries'. They asked 90 students in 16 different countries to perform a very simple task: toss a black and white coin and record the outcome. If the coin came up white the student obtained a red Lindt Lindor Truffle. If it came up black they got nothing. Crucially, the coin toss took place in private and so the student could report whatever outcome they wanted. If they wanted a chocolate then they simply had to report white. (The study contrasted three different methods of reporting - form put in a box, form given to the experimenter or verbally telling the experimenter - but I will skip those details here.)           The chart below summa...

Culture and dishonesty in banking

The film 'A Good Year' starts with a ruthless financial trader called Max, played by Russell Crowe, manipulating bond markets in order to out-maneuver his competitors and make a quick, big profit. But, by the end of the film Max has decided to pack it all in and live out a more fulfilling life in rural France. Could that happen? Can someone really transition from a ruthless, selfish trader to a compassionate, loving family man in the space of a few days?         A study by Alain Cohn, Ernst Fehr and Michel Marechal, publisehd in 2014 in Nature, suggests it might be possible. They used a standard coin tossing task to measure the dishonesty of 128 employees from a large, international bank. The task works as follows: A subject is asked to toss a coin 10 times and record whether the outcome was heads or tails. Depending on the outcome the subject can win $20 per toss. The crucial thing to know is that the subject records whether or not they won for each toss and the...

Risk aversion or loss aversion

Suppose you offer someone called Albert a gamble - if the toss of a coin comes up heads then you pay him £100 and if it comes up tails he pays you £100. The evidence suggests that most people will not take on that gamble. If Albert also turns down the gamble, what does that tell you about Albert's preferences?          One thing we can conclude is that Albert is risk averse. In particular, the gamble was fair because Albert's expected payoff was 0 and, by definition, if someone turns down a fair gamble then they are exhibiting risk aversion. It is hard to argue with a definition and so we can conclude that Albert is risk averse. The more interesting question is why he displays risk aversion?            The micro-economic textbook would tell us that it is because of diminishing marginal utility from money. A diagram helps explain the logic. Suppose that Albert has the utility function for money depicted below. In this specific c...

Will a vote for Theresa May strengthen her bargaining hand?

As the run-up to the UK's snap general election continues, the Conservative party appear content to talk about one thing and one thing only - strong and stable leadership for Brexit negotiations. Throughout the campaign Theresa May has been particularly keen to claim that 'every vote for me strengthens my hand in the Brexit negotiations'. This claim seems to be going down well with voters. But does it make any sense?           In bargaining theory the disagreement point is of critical importance. In the Brexit negotiations we can think of the disagreement point as the outcome if no deal is done between the UK and the EU and so the UK simply leaves the EU in March 2019 and starts from scratch. Most experts seem to agree that no deal would be bad - very bad for the UK and bad for the EU. That means that a deal is essential. It also means that the UK starts from a bad negotiating position.          To put some analysis to this conside...

Brexit and the Condorcet Paradox

Tomorrow the government will trigger Article 50 and start the formal process of getting the UK out of the EU. So, how did we get in this mess in the first place? I think the Condorcet Paradox provides an interesting angle on the problem. In particular, I want to look at preferences for Remain versus Soft Brexit, i.e. leave the EU but still remain in the single market or other collaborations centered on the EU, and Hard Brexit, i.e. walk completely away from the EU.            The one thing we know for sure is that in the referendum last June around 52% of people voted Leave and 48% voted Remain. What does that tell us? In my recollection the referendum campaign primarily focused on the question of Soft Brexit versus Remain. No doubt some would disagree with that. But things like the customs union only started being talked about after the vote. Instead we heard a lot during the campaign about the Norway or Swiss model of Soft Brexit. True the Leave camp m...

How to get rid of an incompetent manager?

In a paper , recently published in the International Journal of Game Theory , my wife and I analyze a game called a forced contribution threshold public good game. A nice way to illustrate the game is to look at the difficulties of getting rid of an incompetent manager.          So, consider a department with n workers who all want to get rid of the manager. If they don't get rid of him then there payoff will be L. If they do get rid of him then there payoff will be H > L. But, how to get rid of him? He will only be removed if at least t or more of the workers complain to senior management. For instance, if a majority of staff need to complain then t = n/2.         If t or more complain then the manager is removed and everyone is happy. The crucial thing, though, is what happens if less than t complain. In this case the manager will remain and any workers that did complain will face recrimination. To be specific suppose that the cost of...

Measuring risk aversion the Holt and Laury way

Attitudes to risk are a key ingredient in most economic decision making. It is vital, therefore, that we have some understanding of the distribution of risk preferences in the population. And ideally we need a simple way of eliciting risk preferences that can be used in the lab or field. Charles Holt and Susan Laury set out one way of doing in this in their 2002 paper ' Risk aversion and incentive effects '. While plenty of other ways of measuring risk aversion have been devised over the years I think it is safe to say that the Holt and Laury approach is the most commonly used (as the near 4000 citations to their paper testifies).           The basic approach taken by Holt and Laury is to offer an individual 10 choices like those in the table below. For each of the 10 choices the individual has to go for option A or option B. Most people go for option A in choice 1. And everyone should go for option B in choice 10. At some point, therefore, we expect the...